SURVEY - RUSSIA: Republic brought back into line with Moscow

TATARSTAN by Andrew Jack: The region is struggling to retain the independence it managed to achieve under former president Boris Yeltsin

Mintimer Shaimiev, the president of the Russian autonomous republic of Tatarstan, is proud of the view from the historic Kremlin in which his office is located. Alongside the Orthodox cathedral stands a large mosque under constrution, five centuries after Ivan the Terrible seized the capital Kazan and razed the remnants of the Tatar hordes.

The juxtaposition in a Kremlin of symbols of Islam and Christianity - the only such example in Russia - bears witness to the delicate balance of ethnic forces in a region that is fiercely proud of its unique historical role. Times may have moved on, but the battle with the authorities in Moscow is still raging - albeit now through non-military means.

In the 1990s, Mr Shaimiev was able to play on both the regional governance void created by former president Boris Yeltsin, and the fear that Tatarstan could tip towards the anarchy of the breakaway republic of Chechnya if it were not granted considerable political autonomy.

He negotiated the maximum amount of independence, established a constitution which contradicted Russian laws, placed emphasis on the regional flag and anthem, resisted efforts to open local branches of federal agencies, and won considerable financial freedom in tax collection and distribution.

Ethnic Tatars came to dominate the regional corridors of power, the Tatar language has become widely heard and seen, and last year work even began in earnest on the reintroduction of the Latin alphabet to replace Cyrillic for teaching in schools.

Mr Shaimiev made great play of what he dubbed the "soft entry" into the market economy, refusing the liberalisation and privatisation of the Yeltsin era that was taking place across most of the rest of Russia, and keeping key regional industries such as the oil group Tatneft under his control.

Since the financial crisis in August 1998, the republic has showed strong signs of recovery, just like other parts of the country. Hotels now accept credit cards again, after a period in which Russia's weak banking sector all but vaporised. Expensive new restaurants signal the emergence of a significant, if often discreet, monied class.

But all is not entirely well. Attractive, old but somewhat dilapidated buildings dominate the city centre - the result, according to one local businessman, of a lack of investment by the state which owns most of the real estate. The regional elites are beginning to bemoan the fresh imposition of power from Moscow.

Mr Shaimiev, who has deftly switched his political allegiances several times in the past in order to remain in power, has had to do so again over the past few months.

He now plays along with the rhetoric of liberal economic reform, and the new regional policy of President Vladimir Putin, who has attempted to reimpose firmer central control.

The offices of federal agencies have begun to open in Kazan, and Moscow has reimposed control over tax collection and spending. The introduction of teaching using the Latin alphabet has been postponed, with existing projects labelled "experimental".

Ministry of education commissions have begun to warn of the dangers of excessive "Tatarisation" and recommend federally-approved history texts that locals complain minimise the role of the Tatars.

In practice, many observers argue that the distinctiveness of Tatarstan is less than some locals would like to portray in order to defend their culture. Some Moscow ideologues have also exaggerated the independence movement in order to justify their efforts to suppress it.

About half of the citizens of the republic are ethnic Russians. Widespread inter-marriage and 80 years of Communist indoctrination have also played their part. Even Valiula Yakupov, deputy to the mufti of Tatarstan, concedes that only a fraction of those declaring themselves Muslims actively practise the religion.

Indeed, the fact that the mosque in Kazan's Kremlin has been under construction for more than two years points to the limited strength of the Islamic community, which, Mr Yakupov says, has responsibility for its funding. More radical sects, fostered in places such as the industrial town of Naberezhniye Chelny, have begun to lose their influence, he argues.

When President Mohammed Khatami, the Iranian president, came to Kazan earlier this year, it seemed to indicate fresh ties between different parts of the Islamic world. But Mr Yakupov questions whether Iran is the model for Tatarstan's Muslims.

Other local analysts argue that the visit was more about boosting Mr Shaimiev's credibility as a politician of national stature, rather than symbolising any particularly close religious ties. Just as significant was Mr Khatami's interest in potential contracts with the defence-related industries based in the republic.

Nevertheless, Mr Putin appears to have recognised - or have been forced to concede - the difficulties of imposing federal rule in regions across the country. In a compromise between the two men, Mr Shaimiev ran for a third term last month in the face of little opposition, and won overwhelmingly.

For now, even if Tatarstan is beginning to lose some of its autonomy to Moscow, Mr Shaimiev's personal influence remains very strong.